Bengü Arslan | Bilimsel Yayınlar
179
archive,category,category-bilimsel-yayinlar,category-179,ajax_fade,page_not_loaded,,wpb-js-composer js-comp-ver-4.3.4,vc_responsive

Bilimsel Yayınlar

Bilimsel Çalışma – GSGM – Kadın Yöneticiler

rosie

 

GENCLIK VE SPOR GENEL MUDURLUGUNDE CALISAN KADIN VE ERKEK PERSONELIN KADIN YONETICILERE YONELIK TUTUMLARININ TOPLUMSAL CINSIYET ROL KATEGORILERINE GORE INCELENMESI

AN EXAMINATION OF ATTITUDES TOWARDS WOMEN MANAGERS OF GSGM PERSONELS REGARDING THEIR GENDER ROLE ORIENTATION CATEGORIES

 

Bengü ARSLAN

Başkent Üniversitesi, Spor Bilimleri Bölümü, 4. Sınıf Öğrencisi, Ankara

ÖZET

Bu çalışmanın amacı Gençlik ve Spor Genel Müdürlüğü (GSGM)?nde çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerini belirleyerek toplumsal cinsiyet rol eğilimlerinin cinsiyete göre farklılaşıp farklılaşmadığını incelemek ve GSGM`de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin kadın yöneticilere yönelik tutumlarını toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerine gore araştırmaktır.  Çalışmaya 83 kadın (Mage= 38.27, SD= 7.39) ve 138 erkek (Mage= 42.86, SD= 8.81) çalışan katılmıştır. Katılımcıların toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerini belirlemek için ?Bem Cinsiyet Rol Envanteri?, kadın yöneticilere yönelik tutumlarını belirlemek için ise ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeği? uygulanmıştır. Ki kare analizi sonuçları, kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorileri arasında istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir fark olmadığını göstermektedir (?2(3)= 4.28; p > .05) . Yapılan 2 x 4 varyans analizi sonuçları, kadın ve erkek personelin ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeğinin? Cinsiyet Kalıp Toplumsal Yargıları (F (1, 221) = 53.53;  p < .01 ) ve Kadınların Kariyerlerinde İlerlemelerine Yönelik Tutum (F (1, 221)= 58.16; p < .01) alt boyut puanlarının, cinsiyete göre farklılaştığını göstermektedir.  Bunun yanı sıra, toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerine göre, kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutum puanlarında da istatistiksel olarak anlamlı fark vardır (F (3, 220) = 2.99; p < .05). Androjen ve kadınsı toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorisinde yer alan çalışanların kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutumu ise belirsiz kategorisindekilere oranla daha olumludur.

ABSTRACT

The purpose of study was to determine gender role categories of female and male who work in the General Directorate of Youth and Sport (GSGM) with regard to gender. This study was also aimed to investigate the attitudes of female and male workers in the GSGM toward women managers with regard to their gender role categories. 83 females (Mage= 38.27, SD= 7.39) and 138 males (Mage= 42.86, SD= 8.81) participated in the present study. ?Attitudes towards Women as Managers Scale? and BEM Sex Roles Inventory were used to determine the attitudes toward women manager and to measure gender role orientation, respectively.  Chi- square analysis revealed no significant gender differences in gender role categories of workers in GSGM. 2×4 ANOVA results indicated significant differences in Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement (F (1, 221)= 58.16; p < .01)  and Gender-Role Stereotypes(F (1, 221) = 53.53;  p < .01 )  scores between men and women workers. Furthermore, attitude toward a women career advancement was significantly differed with regard to gender role categories (F (3, 220) = 2.99; p < .05). Androgynous and femininity worker?s scores had more positive attitudes toward Women Career Advancement than undifferentiated worker?s scores.

ANAHTAR KELİMELER

Toplumsal cinsiyet                  Spor                            Spor Örgütü                Kadın Yönetici

Gender                                    Sport                           Sport Organization      Women Manager

GİRİŞ

Son yıllarda sadece spor bilimleri alanında değil, genel olarak sosyal bilimler alanında toplumsal cinsiyet sıklıkla çalışılan konuların başında gelmektedir. Toplumsal cinsiyet,  kadının ve erkeğin toplumsal ve kültürel olarak belirlenen toplumsal rol ve sorumluluklarını ifade etmektedir. Toplumsal cinsiyet biyolojik farklılıklardan dolayı değil, kadın ve erkek olarak toplumun bizi nasıl gördüğü, nasıl algıladığı, nasıl düşündüğü ve nasıl davranmamızı beklediği ile ilgili bir kavramdır. Toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği ise fırsatları kullanma, kaynakların ayrılması ve kullanımında, hizmetleri elde etmede bireyin cinsiyeti nedeniyle ayrımcılık olmaması/yapılmamasıdır.

Toplumsal cinsiyet ve toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliği çalışmalarının başında, kadın ve erkeklerin toplumda sahiplendikleri toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri, kadınların özel ve kamusal hayattaki deneyimleri ve kadınların çeşitli toplumsal kurumlardaki konumu ve çalışma yaşamında uygulanan toplumsal cinsiyet eşitlik politikaları gelmektedir (Kırkpınar, 1998). Bu calismalar baglaminda, kadının çalışma yaşamındaki konumuna dair ülkemizde ve yurt dışında birçok çalışmaya rastlanmaktadır (Ansal, 1996; Grove ve Montgomery, 2000; Kuzgun ve Sevim, 2004; Morison, White ve Velsor, 1992; Özkan ve Lajunen, 2005). Bu çalışmalar sonucunda, çalışma yaşamına yönelik düzenlenen eşit fırsat politikalarından özellikle yöneticilik konumunda yer alan ve geleneksel erkek mesleklerinden olan az sayıda kadının yararlanabildiği sonucu elde edilmiştir (Ansal, 1996; Grove ve Montgomery, 2000; Morison, White ve Velsor, 1992; Özkan ve Lajunen, 2005).

Spor kurumlarında çalışan kadınların konumu ile ilgili yapılan çalışmaların konularının arasında, yöneticilik, liderlik ve kadınların çalışmasına yönelik tutum gibi konular yer almaktadır. Örneğin, Shaw ve Hoeber (2003)?in yaptığı çalışmada, yüksek kademedeki spor yöneticisi kadınların sayısının azlığının nedenleri araştırılmıştır. Çalışmada örgütsel dokümanlar, örgüt politikası, mektuplar, toplantı süreleri, broşürler ve örgütün geçmişleri incelenmiş ve 35 örgüt üyesi (profesyoneller ve gönüllüler) ile görüşmeler yapılmıştır. Çalışmalarının sonucunda, yüksek kademede kadın yöneticilerin az sayıda yer almalarının nedeni olarak yumuşak yüzlü olmaları, iş adamı kalıbının iş hayatına yerleşmiş olması ve çocuk doğurmak ve çocuk bakımı gibi faktörlerin kadının kariyerinde ilerlemesinde engel olabildiğini bulmuşlardır.

Toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin farklılığı, bu araştırmanın önemli bir boyutunu oluşturmaktadır. Toplumsallaşma sürecinde erkek ve kız çocuklarının öğrendikleri, kültürün cinsiyetlerine ?uygun? bulduğu duygu, tutum, davranış ve roller arasındaki farklılıklar toplumsal cinsiyet farklılıkları olarak ele alınır. Kadınların daha duyarlı, ilgili ve bakım verici vb. olarak algılanmaları; ev kadını, öğretmen, hemşire vb. olmalarının beklenmesi ama erkeklerin bağımsız, atılgan, kuvvetli vb. algılanmaları ve asker, mühendis, tüccar vb. olmalarının beklenmesi toplumsal cinsiyet farklılıklarına işaret etmektedir. Bunlar gerçek olmayan farklılıklardır ve toplumun kendi kalıplarını bireye dayatması sonucu oluşur (Kırkpınar, 1998). İş yaşamındaki ayrımcılığın temelinde toplumsal cinsiyet farklılıklarının var olduğunu görmekteyiz. Örneğin, kadınlar, düşük iş verimi ve zayıf kariyer bağlılıkları, çalışma hayatında yüksek kararsızlık oranları, eğitime ilişkin arzu ve başarılarının düşüklüğü, birikmiş iş deneyimlerinin olmaması, emeklerinin erkeklere kıyasla düşük değere sahip olmasıyla karakterize edilir ve bu nedenlerle de piyasa tarafından tercih edilmeleri zordur (Ecevit, 2000). Ayrımcılık sonucunda pek çok kadın yoksulluk içinde ya da zor koşullarda yaşamaya mahkûm edilmektedir. Kadınlar vasıfsız, düşük ücretli ve duruma göre manipüle edilebilir bir iş gücü olarak büyük yoğunlukla informal sektörde istihdam edilmektedir. Ayrımcılık işe hazırlanma (eğitim), istihdam koşulları ve sosyal güvenlik dâhil istihdamla ilgili her alanı kapsamaktadır. İlkkaracan (1998) kadınlara karşı ayrımcılığın kadınların enerjisinin, yeteneklerinin ve zekâsının toplum tarafından boşa harcanmasına yol açtığını belirtmekte ve bu birikimden gelişme için yararlanılabileceğini iddia etmektedir. Türkiye?ye özgü olmayıp genel bir sorun olan ayrımcılık için dünyanın her yanında kadınların güçlendirilmesi için stratejiler üretilmektedir. Fark edilmek, var olmak, hane, kent ve ülke ekonomilerine yaptıkları katkıları ortaya çıkarmak, karar mekanizmalarında olmak, ihtiyaçlarının ve ilgi alanlarının politika yapıcılar tarafından bilinmesini sağlamak için mücadele verilmektedir (Dökmen, 2004).

Ayrıca spor bilimleri alanına bakıldığında, toplumsal cinsiyet çalışmalarının çok sınırlı sayıda da olsa yapıldığını görmekteyiz (Koca ve Aşçı, 2005; Koca, Aşçı ve Kirazcı, 2005). Fakat bu çalışmalar arasında spor kurumlarının toplumsal cinsiyet bakışı ile incelenmesi konusu çok az yer almaktadır. Dolayısıyla, bu çalışmanın gerek genel olarak kadının çalışma yaşamındaki konumuna gerekse de spor kurumlarında toplumsal cinsiyet analizi ile ilgili yapılan çalışmalara bir katkıda bulunması da amaçlanmaktadır. Bunun yanı sıra çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol eğilimlerini belirleyerek ve toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini sınıflandırarak kadının çalışmasına yönelik tutumlarını inceleyerek de literatüre katkıda bulunmak amaçlanmaktadır. Bu araştırmayı, Gençlik ve Spor Genel Müdürlüğü (GSGM)?nde uygulamak tercih edilmiştir. GSGM Türkiye?nin en büyük gençlik ve spor örgütüdür. Gençlere yön veren bu örgüt; anayasanın 57. maddesi doğrultusunda ve (?Devlet her yaştaki kişiye spor yaptırmak mecburiyetindedir?) 3289 sayılı GSGM Kanunu doğrultusunda, 81 ilimizde, ilçelerimizde il müdürlükleri ve ilçe müdürlükleri kurmakta, gençlik merkezleri oluşturarak bireylerin spora katılımını sağlamaktadır. Bunun yanı sıra, gençlik kampları düzenleyerek, uluslararası değişim programları uygulayarak çeşitli aktivitelerle spor yapmayan her yaş grubundan bireyi spora teşvik ederek, kişisel ve soysal gelişimlerine katkıda bulunmayı hedeflemekte ve kişileri kötü alışkanlıklardan korumaya yönelik de bir görev üstlenmektedir. Bilindiği gibi özerk ve GSGM? ye bağlı federasyonlarda ulusal ve uluslararası müsabakalar organize ederek ülkemizin de reklâmını ulusal ve uluslar arası arenada yapmaktadır. Anayasada ve GSGM?nin Teşkilat ve Görevleri Hakkında Kanunda da belirtildiği gibi GSGM?nin bu kadar geniş sorumluluklara sahip olması, bu kurumun toplumsal cinsiyet bakış açısıyla incelenmesinin önemli olabileceğini göstermektedir. Bu bağlamda bu çalışmanın amacı, GSGM? de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerini belirleyerek toplumsal cinsiyet rol eğilimlerinin cinsiyete göre farklılaşıp farklılaşmadığını incelemek ve GSGM`de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin kadın yöneticilere yönelik tutumlarını toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerine göre araştırmaktır.  Bu bağlamda oluşturulan hipotezler aşağıda sunulmuştur;

Hipotez 1: GSGM?de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorileri arasında istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir fark yoktur.

Hipotez 2: GSGM?de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeğinin? cinsiyet kalıp toplumsal yargıları ve kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutum alt boyut puanları arasında istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir fark yoktur.

 

GEREÇ VE YÖNTEM

Örneklem

Bu çalışmanın örneklemi amaçlı örneklem yöntemi ile belirlenmiştir. GSGM?de çalışan gönüllü kadın ve erkek personel amaçlı örneklem yöntemi ile seçilmiştir. Çalışmaya 83 kadın (Mage= 38.27, SD= 7.39) ve 138 erkek (Mage= 42.86, SD= 8.81) çalışan katılmıştır.

Veri Toplama Araçları

Katılımcıların toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerini belirlemek için ?Bem Cinsiyet Rol Envanteri?, kadın yöneticilere yönelik tutumlarını belirlemek için ise ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeği? uygulanmıştır.

BEM Cinsiyet Rolü Envanteri  (BEM, 1981)

Katılımcıların toplumsal cinsiyet rol eğilimlerini belirlemek için BEM tarafından 1981 yılında geliştirilen Bem Cinsiyet Rolu Envanterinin kısa formu kullanılmistir. Bu envanter kültürel olarak kadın ve erkeğe atfedilen niteliklerin kişisel olarak algılanmasını değerlendirmektedir. Erkeksi ölçekte; (10 madde) algılanan erkek özelliklerini içeren maddeler  (güçlü kişilikli, baskın, vb(. Kadınsı ölçekte; (10 madde) algılanan kadın özelliklerini içeren maddeler (duygusal, sempatik, vb),  Ölçeğin geriye kalan kısmı ise (10 madde) nötr maddeler içermektedir, bu maddeler kadınsı ve erkeksi özellikleri gösteren sıfatlardır (güvenilir, vicdan sahibi, vb). Bu ankette 7 puanlı likert ölçeği kullanılmaktadır (1= tamamen yanlış, 7= tamamen doğru). Katılımcıların Kadınsı ve Erkeksi alt ölçeklerinden aldıkları toplam puanlar, Kadınsı ve Erkeksi ortancalarına göre değerlendirilerek katılımcıların toplumsal cinsiyet rolleri, erkeksi, kadınsı, androjen ya da belirsiz olarak sınıflandırılmistir. Ölçeğin Türkçe geçerlik ve güvenirliği Dökmen (1991) tarafından yapılmıştır.

Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeği ( Petters, Terborg ve Taylor, 1974)

Kadın yöneticilere yönelik tutum ölçeğinin Türkçe versiyonu; bu çalışmada kadın yöneticilere karşı tutumu belirlemek için kullanılmıştır. Bu anket, 20 maddeden oluşmaktadır. Ankette 5?li likert ölçeği kullanılmaktadır. Yüksek puan kadının yönetici olmasına karşı olumlu tutumu göstermektedir. Anketin 2 alt boyutu bulunmaktadır. İlk alt boyut kadının işini ve aile sorumluluklarını bir arada yürütebilmesiyle ilgili maddeleri içeren ?Toplumsal Cinsiyet Kalıp Yargıları? ?dır, ikinci alt boyut ise iş yaşamında toplumun kadını anahtar karar verici olarak algılamasına yönelik maddeleri içeren ?Kadınların Kariyerlerinde İlerlemelerine Yönelik Tutum?  dur. Bu ölçeğin geçerlik ve güvenirliği Eker (1989) tarafından Türkiye?de yapılmıştır. Aycan (2004) tarafından da ayrıca geçerliği kanıtlanmıştır.

 

Verilerin Toplanması

Veriler, GSGM`den calismanin yapilmasi icin gerekli izin alindiktan sonra arastirmaci tarafindan toplanmistir.

Verilerin Analizi

Verilerin analizinda Windows için SPSS programı kullanilmis ve tüm istatistiksel işlemlerde 0.05 yanılma düzeyi alinmistir.

i- GSGM?de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorileri arasındaki farkı test etmek için ki kare analizi uygulanmıştır.   

ii- GSGM?de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeğinin? cinsiyet kalıp toplumsal yargıları ve kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutum alt boyut puanları arasındaki farkı test etmek için 2 x 4 (Cinsiyet: Kadın/Erkek x Cinsiyet Rol Kategorisi: Androjen/Kadınsı/Erkeksi/Belirsiz) varyans analizi uygulanmıştır.

SONUÇLAR

Araştırmada veri analizi sonucunda elde edilen bulgular, hipotezler kapsamında sunulmuştur.

Hipotez 1: GSGM?de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorileri arasında istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir fark yoktur.

Ki kare analizi sonuçları, kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorileri arasında istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir fark olmadığını göstermektedir (?2(3)= 4.28; p > .05) . Kadin ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerine dagilimlari Tablo 1`de gösterilmektedir.

Tablo 1: GSGM çalışan personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerine dağılımları

DEĞİŞKENLER TOPLUMSAL CİNSİYET ROL KATEGORİSİ
ANDROJEN KADINSI ERKEKSİ BELİRSİZ
n % n % n % n %
KADIN  24 28.9 21 25.3 21 25.3 17 20.5
ERKEK  45 32.6 33 23.9 21 15.2 39 28.3

 

Hipotez 2: GSGM’de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeğinin? cinsiyet kalıp toplumsal yargıları ve kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutum alt boyut puanları arasında istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir fark yoktur.

 

Yapılan 2 x 4 varyans analizi sonuçları, kadın ve erkek personelin ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeğinin? Cinsiyet Kalıp Toplumsal Yargıları (F (1, 221) = 53.53;  p < .01 ) ve Kadınların Kariyerlerinde İlerlemelerine Yönelik Tutum (F (1, 221)= 58.16; p < .01) alt boyut puanlarının, cinsiyete göre farklılaştığını göstermektedir. Farklı toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerinde yer alan kadın ve erkek personelin ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeği’nin alt boyutlarında elde ettikleri puanlar Tablo 2`de sunulmaktadir.

Tablo 2: Farklı toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerinde yer alan kadın ve erkek personelin ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeği’nin alt boyutlarında elde ettikleri ortalama ve standart sapma sonuçları

DEĞİŞKENLER ANDROJEN KADINSI ERKEKSİ BELİRSİZ
X SD X SD X SD X SD
FAKTÖR 1
Kadın 4.1083 .5555 4.0714 .7156 3.6810 .7312 4.0176 .5318
Erkek 3.0111 .9831 3.3515 .7855 3.1762 .5495 3.0949 .8802
FAKTÖR 2
Kadın 2.2792 .2797 2.2000 .2569 2.0429 .3043 2.1353 .2290
Erkek 1.7444 .3923 1.9515 .3144 1.7905 .3872 1.6333 .4642

 

Bunun yanı sıra, toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerine göre, kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutum puanlarında da istatistiksel olarak anlamlı fark vardır (F (3, 220) = 2.99; p < .05). Diğer bir deyişle farklı toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerinde yer alan personelin kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutumları cinsiyete göre farklılaşmaktadır. Androjen ve kadınsı toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorisinde yer alan çalışanların kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutumu; belirsiz kategorisindekilere oranla daha olumludur. Ayrica, varyans analiz sonuçları, toplumsal cinsiyet kalıp yargı puanlarının cinsiyete göre farklılaştığını göstermektedir (F (1, 221) = 53.53;  p < .01 ).

TARTIŞMA

Bu çalışmanın amacı, GSGM? de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerini belirleyerek toplumsal cinsiyet rol eğilimlerinin cinsiyete göre farklılaşıp farklılaşmadığını incelemek ve GSGM`de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin kadın yöneticilere yönelik tutumlarını toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorilerine göre araştırmaktır.

Çalışmadan elde edilen bulgular birinci hipotezimizi destekler niteliktedir. GSGM? de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorileri arasında istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir fark yoktur. Fakat ikinci hipotezimiz olan GSGM? de çalışan kadın ve erkek personelin ?Kadın Yöneticilere Yönelik Tutum Ölçeğinin? cinsiyet kalıp toplumsal yargıları ve kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutum alt boyut puanları arasında istatistiksel olarak anlamlı bir fark olmaması çalışmadan elde edilen bulgular tarafından desteklenmemiştir. Androjen ve kadınsı toplumsal cinsiyet rol kategorisinde yer alan çalışanların kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutumu; belirsiz kategorisindekilere oranla daha olumludur. Başka bir deyişle, androjen ve kadınsı toplumsal cinsiyet rol eğilimlerine sahip olan GSGM personeli çalışan kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik olumlu tutuma sahiptirler.

Bu çalışmanın sınırlılıklarından birisi çalışmanın GSGM merkez teşkilatında çalışan personel ile sinirli olmasıdır. İleride yapılacak çalışmalarda taşra teşkilatlarında çalışan personelin de toplumsal cinsiyet çalışmalarına dâhil edilmesi önemli görünmektedir. Ayrıca GSGM çalışanlarının özellikle kadınların kariyerlerinde ilerlemelerine yönelik tutumlarının farklı olmasının altında yatan nedenlerin belirlenmesi aşamasında nitel araştırmalar yapılmalıdır.

 

KAYNAKÇA

Ansal, H. (1996) Teknolojik gelişmelerin sanayide kadın istihdamına etkileri: Türk tekstil ve elektronik sanayilerinde teknolojik değişim ve kadın istihdamı. Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Kadının Statüsü ve Sorunları Genel Müdürlüğü.

Aycan, Z. (2004). Key success factors for women in management in Turkey. Applied Phsycologhy: An internal review, 53, 3, 453-477.

Bem, S. L. (1981). Gender schema theory: A cognitive account of sex typing. Psychological Review, 88, 354-364.

Dökmen, Z.Y. (2004). Toplumsal Cinsiyet- Sosyal Psikolojik Açıklamalar. İstanbul: Sistem Yayıncılık.

Ecevit, Y (2000). Türkiye?de Ücretli Kadın Emeğinin Toplumsal Cinsiyet Temelinde Analizi. (sf. 267?284).

Eker, S. (1989). Organisational and personel corelates of attitudes toward womwn as managers: A study in Turkey. Unpublished MA Thesis. Boğaziçi University, İstanbul: Instıtute for Graduate Students in Social Sciences.

Growe, R. ve Montgomery, P. (2000). Women and The Leadership Paradigm: Bridging the Gender Gap. National Forum Journals. (http//www.nationalforum.com/12growe.htm).

İlkkaracan, İ. (1998). Kentli Kadınlar ve Çalışma Yaşamı. A.B. Hacımirzaoğlu (der.). 75 Yılda Kadınlar ve Erkekler  içinde  (s. 285-302) İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yayınları.

Kırkpınar, L. (1998). Türkiye?de Toplumsal Değişme Sürecindeki Kadın. A.B. Hacımirzaoğlu (der.). 75 Yılda Kadınlar ve Erkekler içinde (s. 13-28). İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yayınları.

Kuzgun, Y., ve Sevim, A, S. (2004). Kadınların Çalışmasına Karşı Tutum ve Dini Yönelim Arasındaki İlişki. Ankara Üniversitesi Eğitim Bilimleri Fakültesi Dergisi, 37(1), 14?27.

Morrison, A. M, White, R. P. ve Van Velsor, E. (1992). Breaking the Glass Ceiling. Reading, MA: Addison- Wesley.

Özkan, T. ve Lajunen, T. (2005). Masculinity, Femininty, and Bem Sex Role Inventory in Turkey. Sex Roles, Vol. 52, 103-110.

Peters, L. H., Terborg, J. R., ve Taylor, J. (1974). Women as Managers Scale(WAMS): A measure of attitude toward women in management positions. Catalogue of Selected Documents in Psychology, 4, 27.

Attitudes Towards Women’s Work Roles and Women Managers in a Sport Organisation: a case of Turkey – Makale

gwo-benguarslan

“Attitudes Towards Women’s Work Roles and Women Managers in a Sport Organisation: a case of Turkey” adlı makalem Gender, Work & Organization, isimli Uluslararası Hakemli Dergi, 16 Kasım 2009 (Social Science Citation Index, SSCI)

olbannerleft

AN EXAMINATION OF ATTITUDES TOWARDS WOMEN’S WORK ROLES AND WOMEN MANAGERS REGARDING GENDER ROLES IN TURKISH SPORT ORGANISATION

Abstract

The purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to determine the attitudes towards women?s work roles and attitudes towards women managers of female and male who work in the General Directorate of Youth and Sport (GSGM) with regard to gender and (2) to investigate the relative contribution of gender role orientations to attitudes towards women?s work roles and attitudes towards women managers. Male workers had higher scores on attitudes toward women?s work roles than female workers. On the other hand, male workers scored lower than female workers on Gender Role Stereotypes and Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement subscales of WAMS. Results of Stepwise Multiple Regression Analyses indicated that femininity score was positively correlated with Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement for both female and male workers. Based on these findings we can argue that the present study has a possibility to extend earlier researches about attitudes towards women?s work roles and women managers within different historical and cultural context of non-western society and in a different working organisation.

 

Key Words: Gender, Women, Sport and Organisation


Introduction

Gender equality in employment has long been an issue in the field of economics, management, sociology and political sciences, with a growing body of research pointing towards the continued prevalence of gender inequality in employment. Although there have been a several researches about attitudes towards women?s employment and women managers in many western countries (Grove & Montgomery, 2000; Mihail, 2006; Morrison, White & Van Velsor, 1992), there has been limited number of studies, which investigated this issue in sport organisations that are considered as masculine world both in western and eastern countries.

In recent years, there is a growing body of literature examining the gendered aspects of employment and management within many sectors in Turkey. On the other hand, the need to apply gender equity principles to all sectors of Turkish society is widely acknowledged and has become an increasingly important issue over the past few years because of the modernisation and recent Europeanization project of Turkey. While the previous studies regarding attitudes towards women?s employment and women managers have provided valuable information regarding the importance of gender roles (Ansal, 1996; Aycan, 2004; Ilkkaracan, 1998; Tor, 1997),there has been no enough consideration of the importance of sports organisation which are accepted as a traditionally men territory in explaining attitude towards women?s employment and women managers in Turkey as a non-western country. Therefore, the first purpose of this study is to determine the attitudes towards women?s employment and women managers of the people who work in the biggest sport organisation in Turkey. The impact of gender role orientation of people on these attitudes was also examined in this study. In that case the present study has a possibility to extend earlier researches about attitudes towards women?s employment within different historical and cultural context of non-western society and in a different working organisation.

The social and cultural environment of Turkey forming the basis for this study will be introduced in more detail later, but first there will be a brief introduction to some of the key issues regarding attitudes towards women?s employment and women managers.

Attitudes Towards Women’s Employment

There is a significant literature on women and employment in both Western (Grove & Montgomery, 2000; Morrison, White & Van Velsor, 1992) and Eastern countries (Adler & Izraeli, 1994; Cinar, 2001; Mostafa, 2003). Besides, in this literature on women and employment, attitudes toward women?s work roles and women managers seem to have an important research subject. Several studies indicated that women have more positive attitudes toward women managers than do men (Adeyemi-Bello & Tomkiewicz, 1996; Beydoğan, 2001; Heilman, Block, Martell & Simon, 1989; Owen & Todor, 1993). For example, in a recent study, Mihail (2006) found those male university students hold relatively negative stereotypic attitudes compared to their female counterparts. These and many other studies indicated that there are a limited number of women managers who are working in a traditionally accepted male jobs benefited from gender equity policies (Ansal, 1998; Grove & Montgomery, 2000; Morison, White & Velsor, 1992).

The significance of the attitudes towards women managers might be attributed to its influence on women?s career. Negative attitudes towards women managers have been found to influence women?s career advancement (Eagly & Carli, 2003). The literature on women?s career advancement highlights the importance of individual and situational factors (Tharenou & Conroy, 1994). One of the categories of situational factors is the work situation (e.g. organisational culture and practices). Adler (1993) noted that a male-dominated organisational culture is an obstacle to women?s success. This is partly because women find it very difficult to enter the ?old boys? network? (Davidson & Cooper, 1992). On the other hand, it is suggested that sociocultural context determines work- and family-related values and societal norms regarding gender roles, and attitudes towards women in management (e.g. De Leon & Ho, 1994). Gender roles within these societal norms gained lots of interest within the subject of attitudes towards women?s work roles. For example, Sevim (2006) found that feminine and androgynous gender roles significantly predicted attitudes toward women?s work roles and women who adapt to feminine gender role had positive attitudes toward women?s work roles.

The following section of this paper outlines the importance of sport organisations for women?s employment as a situational factor and previous research undertaken in relation to women?s employment status in these organisations.

Women employment in sport organisations

Gender relations in the field of sport have been well documented by researchers (Messner, 1994; Theberge, 1993). According to Theberge (1993), the centrality of body and physical performance to athletic experience makes sport a particularly powerfully setting for the construction and confirmation of gender ideologies. Further, organised sport is clearly a potentially powerful cultural arena for the perpetuation of the ideology of male superiority and dominance (Messner, 1994). The male dominated aspect of the field of sport has also been noted and this clearly has a bearing on women?s career progression. Sports organisations therefore can be seen as one of the most traditionally male accepted organisations.

Such levels of gender inequity in management are exaggerated within sport and leisure services in which the legacy of male-dominated provision relative to other service sectors is more pronounced (Aitchison, 2005). For example, literature shows that there are still far fewer women than men in senior positions in sport organisations (Acosta & Carpenter, 2000; Hall, Cullen & Slack, 1990; Hovden, 2000; Inglis, Danylchuk & Pastore, 2000). For example, in a study of almost seventy Canadian national sports organisations, it is revealed that nearly half of the entry-level positions are held by women, whereas they comprise only 28 % of the executive directors, 23 % of the technical directors and less than 10 % of the national coaches (Hall, Cullen & Slack, 1990). In addition, there are a significant literature on women and the coaching profession and the underrepresentation of women in athletic management positions as well and they indicated that there a gender differences in the coaching profession (Cunningham & Sagas, 2003; Inglis, Danylchuk & Pastore, 1996; Sagas & Cunningham, 2004; Sagas, Cunningham & Ashley, 2000). McKay (1997) claimed the major reason for this underrepresentation of women in sport management is that, women applicants for administrative positions will be seen as less qualified than men applicants because men have negative stereotypes towards women as managers in sport organisations.

Studies on the place of women and sports and leisure organisations in many western countries (Aitchison, 2000; 2005; Aitchison, & Brackenridge, & Jordan, 1999; Henderson & Bialeschki, 1995; Hovden, 2000; İnglis, Danylchuk & Pastore, 2001; Shaw & Hoeber, 2003) showed that women?s experience of sport and leisure management is shaped by both structural and cultural factors. For example, in their research project titled Gender Equity in Leisure Management, Aitchison and her colleagues (1999) and in the other study of Aitchison (2005), the authors suggest the importance of both structural (organisational structures, procedures and policies) and cultural (attitudes and discourses) constraints are important in determining progress towards gender equity in sport and leisure management.

Gender role stereotypes which can be considered one of the important cultural constraints determining progress towards gender equity in sport and leisure management are responsible for workplace discrimination and for negative attitudes toward women as managers (Eagly & Mladinic, 1994; Heilman, 1995). Besides, gender role stereotyping is defined as one of the most important barriers to women?s career advancement (Schein, 2001). Therefore, we can argue that women employment in sport organisations and the shape of these organisations are partly determined by the definitions of what men and women ought to be in that society. Gender role attitudes are often based on negative stereotypes and broad assumptions about people?s characteristics (Conway & Vartanian, 2000). For example, research indicates that gender roles commonly lead to the discouragement of women?s employment outside of the home in nontraditional jobs (Galambos, Petersen, Richards & Gitelson, 1985; Heilman, 1997; Schreiber, 1998).

Masculinity refers to socially desirable characteristics that are typically exhibited by men, which include the willingness to make sacrifies, the tendency to think logically and analytically, and the ability to manage stress; whereas femininity rerefs to socially desirable traits and behaviors that are typically held by women, and these include sensitivity, concern for others, and the display of emontion (Spence & Helmreich, 1978). Shaw and Hoeber (2003) explored how the creation and employment roles are influenced by discourses of masculinity and femininity and how these discourses may undermine most women?s access to power in English national governing bodies of sport. They found that senior management roles were heavily dominated by discourses of masculinity hate are linked to men and are highly valued in sport organisations. In contrast, women and discourses of femininity are associated with empolyment roles that are undervalued within organisations. In another study, Shaw and Slack (2002) found that language, practices and policies are all used within the settings of sport organizations to create gender relations that favour masculinities over femininities

There are two main sports organisations in Turkey. One of them is the General Directorate of Youth and Sport (GSGM, Gençlik ve Spor Genel Müdürlüğü) which have the great power to make all arrangements and take important decisions about sport-related events. According to the law of the General Directory of Youth and Sport (No: 3289), GSGM has a responsibility of all sporting event in Turkey and it has 81 provinces. GSGM is responsible for planning, programming, implementing, and monitoring youth services out of school, construction of youth centres, hostels, camps and sports fields, and organising courses for improving the abilities and knowledge of the youth. Besides, there are a total of 58 sport federations, which includes 51 autonomous and 7 non-autonomous sport federations, which are placed under the GSGM in Turkey (www.gsgm.gov.tr).

Turkey National Olympic Committee (TNOC) which is the other sport organisation in Turkey has the control of Olympic sports in individual nation-states. TNOC?s top-level administrative positions were totally held by men. GSGM has also been traditionally seen as favouring male employees. At the management level, men dominate all positions. On the other hand, there are very few examples of female coaches in most of the sports and very limited number of women is involved in the management of the sport at the highest level in Turkey. Besides, there is no awareness of this issue in sport governing bodies. Therefore, there are no any gender policies and relevant action plans in sport governing bodies in Turkey.

Social and Cultural Context of Turkey

By developing the industrialisation process in the year of 1950, the ratio of working women has been increased in Turkey (Kırkpınar, 1998). By 1999, 29.7 percent of women over 12 years of age participated in the labor force, whereas 68.3 percent of men did (State Institute of Statistics-SIS, Household Labor Force Survey Results, 2000). However, the number of women in some specific jobs (especially for management) is still low and women generally prefer traditional jobs with low income, limited appointment and which are compatible with the conditions of housewife (Kuzgun, 2000). According to the General Department of Women?s Status and Problems (UNDP, 1996), the percentages of middle to top management positions, respectively, held by women were 80 % for a chief position, 15 % for a division director position, 3.7 % for a department head, and 0.12 % for a general director position. Kabasakal, Bocacıgiller and Erden (1994) studied women?s representation ratio in middle and top management level in 64 organisations in Turkey. They found that ratio of women employees in these organisations was 43 %, the ratio of women at the middle management was 26 % and the ratio of women was only 3 % in the top management level.

Although many researches indicated that there are positive attitudes towards women?s work in Turkey (Ansal, 1996; Ilkkaracan, 1998; Tor, 1997), many women are still facing with the barrier of their family members such as husband, father and brother. For example, Tor (1997) investigated the employment of urban women and he found that % 54.40 percent of men had a positive approach to their wife?s employment and % 44.68 percent of men had a negative approach to their wife?s employment. She also concluded that the most significant factors for inhibiting women?s employment are not giving permission for working by their husband and childcare. On the other hand, woman?s lower representation in managerial positions in Turkey has resulted from the definition of work based on gender, and the organisational culture that has created a barrier for women?s advancement in their career (Atabek, 1994), patriarchal stereotypes (Aycan, 2004; Berberoğlu & Mavis, 1990, cited in UNDP, 1996; Çelikten, 2005), and childcare and house works (Kuzgun & Sevim, 2004). In spite of these negative conditions, many attempts for EU entrance, new laws for increasing women status in Turkish society, many attempts to increase educational level for girls are influencing the social and cultural structures of Turkish society. By the way, many recent researches indicated that there is an increase in positive attitudes towards women?s working with the increase in educational level (Kuzgun & Sevim, 2004).

Understanding the working status of women within cultural, social and historical context of Turkey, we need to see the context of modernisation process of New Turkish Republic. Prior to the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the Ottoman Empire was ruled by Islamic law that institutionalised sex segregation and the unequal legal treatment of men and women (Rankin & Aytaç, 2006). The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of a new nation state in 1923 provided ideological and legal bases for modernisation process. One of the key dynamics of modernisation process of new nation state is secularism. To achieve that, reforms included replacing the Islamic laws with secular legal and civil codes based on Western models. Therefore, the foundation of the new Turkish Republic in the early 1920s led to a series of social reforms aiming to rationalise and secularise the state and society as well. Republican gender ideology in general expected women to follow a particular form of education and act as visible ambassadors to challenge the backward image of Muslim women in the world as well as in Turkey (Kandiyoti, 1989). Therefore, we can easily argue that an important symbol of modernisation in Turkey has been advocacy of women?s greater participation in public sphere. Many writers from non-western countries highlighted the importance of women?s place in modernisation process by emphasising the western impact of modernisation (Abu-Lughod, 1998; Kandiyoti, 1989).

Nowadays, the primary or the sole engine of the Turkish modernisation project has been Europeanization (Dulupçu, 2005). Given the candidacy status of Turkey at the end of 2004, the most powerful trend in Turkey is the importance of the national project of modernisation and europeanization. So we can easily argue that the rise of women employment should also be considered within the context of gender equity in the europeanization project of Turkey. Turkey is a very diverse country which has been largely transformed since the 1950s as a result of mass migration from the countryside to large cities, from the undeveloped eastern Turkey to the developed west, which now bears various combinations of traditional and modern elements (Erman, 2001). According to Kara (2006), although the modernisation process is still continuing and the status of women has been improving in Turkey, women?s status and employment has been influenced by the polarisation between Islamic culture and traditions and secular Ataturk?s philosophy, which prevented the genuine equality of women in the country.

It can be seen that these transformation influences gender stereotypes and values of Turkish people toward women?s working and women managers. In their study, Sakallı-Uğurlu and Beydoğan (2002) examined how patriarchy, sexism and gender influence Turkish college students? attitudes toward women managers and they found that male participants exhibited less positive attitudes toward women managers than did female participants. In her recent study, Aycan (2004) has also explored gender role stereotypes and attitudes towards women?s career advancement in Turkish society. She examined the attitudes towards women managers of members of a business organisation in the finance sector and found that females held more positive attitudes towards women in management than males. These findings indicated that in spite of impressive presence of women in university education in Turkey and many modernisation reforms in society, sex role stereotyping of women as workers and managers persist in Turkish males.

The previous literature of working women in Turkey that have been publishes were related to women in business (Aycan, 2004), education (Akkaş, 2001; Çelikten, 2005), and banking (Kabasakal, Boyacıgiller, & Erden, 1994; Burke, Koyuncu, & Fiksenbaum, 2006; Woodward & Özbilgin, 1999). However, there is so limited number of studies on women and sport organisation in Turkey. The lack of attention to attitudes towards women who work in sports organisations in Turkey might be attributed to the prevailing assumption that sport is mainly men?s territory. On the other although several studies investigated the women?s employment in sport organisations in many western countries, attitudes towards women?s work roles and women managers in sport organisations has been ignored. Therefore current study aimed to fill these gaps.

The purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to determine the attitudes towards women?s work roles and attitudes towards women managers of female and male who work in the General Directorate of Youth and Sport with regard to gender and (2) to investigate the relative contribution of gender role orientations to attitudes towards women?s work roles and attitudes towards women managers.

METHOD

Participants

The participants of this study consists of 83 females (Mage= 38.27, SD= 7.39) and 138 males (Mage= 42.86, SD= 8.81) who work in the General Directorate of Youth and Sport (GSGM) which have the great power to make all arrangements and take important decisions about sport-related events. Although there are so many female workers in many departments of GSGM, most of them are in non-professional positions and no women in any managerial positions.

Measures

Personal demographics and working situation: Age, marital and parental status, number of children, level of education, organisational and job tenure and organisational position of participants were collected by using demographic questionnaire.

The Attitudes toward Women?s Work Roles: This scale which is developed by Kuzgun and Sevim (2004) is used to identify the attitudes towards women?s work roles and the difficulties that working women encounter in the family and workplace. It includes 15 items and is rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale which ranges from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). A higher score indicates a more positive attitude toward women?s work roles. The internal consistency for present sample was .65.

BEM Sex Role Inventory (BEM, 1981): The BSRI was developed to measure masculine, feminine, and androgynous personality styles among men and women. The original BSRI includes 60 items (20 masculine, 20 feminine, and 20 neutral). The scale reliability coefficients reported in the BSRI manual range from 0.75 to 0.90. In the present study, gender stereotypes were measured with the short-form of the BSRI (Bem, 1981). The masculine scale (10 items) includes characteristics that are perceived as men?s characteristics (e.g., assertive, strong personality, and dominant). The feminine scale (10 items) includes characteristics that are perceived as women?s characteristics (e.g., emotional, sympathetic, and understanding). The rest of the inventory (10 items) is composed of neutral items, which are perceived neither as men?s nor women?s characteristics (e.g., conscientious, unpredictable, and reliable). Participants assessed how well each of the 30 personality characteristics describes themselves by using a 7-point scale (1 = almost never true, 7 = almost always true). The Turkish version reported in Ozkan and Lajunen?s (2005) study was used. The internal consistency was .66 for masculinity and .84 for femininity subscales of the BSRI for the sample of the present study.

Attitudes towards Women as Managers Scale (WAMS; Peters, Terborg & Taylor, 1974): The Turkish version of the WAMS was used in this study to determine the attitudes toward women manager. WAMS consists of 20 items and respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which they agreed with each statement on five point Likert scales. High scores indicate positive attitudes towards women in management. The WAMS was first translated and validated for Turkish samples by Eker (1989). In Eker?s study using the WAMS in Turkey, the instrument was found adequate internal consistency (Cronbach?s alpha=.87). Furthermore, WAMS was validated by Aycan (2004). The Turkish version of Attitudes towards Women as Managers Scale has two subscales: The first subscale was labelled ?Gender-Role Stereotypes?, which included items related to perceptions of women as capable of handling work and family responsibilities. The second subscales, labelled ?Attitudes towards Women?s Career Advancement?, reflected the extent to which society accepts women as key decision-makers in business life (Aycan, 2004). The internal consistency estimate for present sample was .75 (Gender Role Stereotypes) and .89 (Attitudes towards Women?s Career Advancement).

Procedure

Prior to data collection, permission was requested and granted from the General Directorate of Youth and Sport. After the organisation granted permission to perform the study the consent forms were sent to participants. The informed consent forms briefly described the purposes, procedures and potential outcomes of the study.

Data Analysis:

Independent sample t-test was used to test gender differences in attitude toward women?s work roles, attitudes toward women manager and gender role orientation between female and male Turkish sport organisation staff.  In addition, Stepwise Multiple Regression Analysis was carried out to determine the relative contribution of gender role orientations to attitudes toward women?s work and women manager. Gender role orientation predictor variables (femininity and masculinity) were entered into multiple regression analysis to compare their strength for predicting attitudes toward women?s work roles and women managers. Dependent variables were attitudes toward women?s work roles and subscales of WAMS.

RESULTS

Descriptive statistics for the study variables with regard to gender are presented in Table I.

INSERT TABLE I

Independent sample t-test analysisindicated significant gender differences in attitudes toward women?s work and attitudes toward women managers (p <. 05).  As indicated in Table I, male workers had higher scores on attitudes toward women?s work roles than female workers (t= -4.08; p < 0.01). On the other hand, male workers scored lower than female workers on Gender Role Stereotypes (t=7.62; p < .01) and Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement (t= 7.86; p < .01) subscales of WAMS. This indicated that female workers held more positive attitudes toward women in management than males (Table I). T-test results also revealed significant difference in femininity scores between male and female workers (t= 2.06; p < 0.05) favouring females (Table I).

            Results of Stepwise Multiple Regression Analyses indicated that, femininity score was the only predictor of Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement scores of female (F (1,81) = 4.93; R=0.24; p < .05) and male workers (F (1,136) = 9.71; R=0.26; p < .01). For female and male workers, femininity score was accounted 6 % and 7 % of societal attitudes toward Women Career Advancement, respectively. Femininity score was positively correlated with Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement (p <. 05) for both female and male workers. On the other hand, either masculinity or femininity scores was not predictor of attitudes toward women?s work roles or Gender Role Stereotypes scores of WAMS (p >. 05).  

DISCUSSIONS

The first purpose of this study is to determine the attitudes towards women?s work roles and attitudes towards women managers of female and male who work in the General Directorate of Youth and Sport. The second purpose of this study is to investigate the role of gender role orientations in the attitudes towards women?s work roles and attitudes towards women managers of female and male workers.

Regarding the first purpose, this study has clearly highlighted the significant gender differences in attitudes toward women?s work and attitudes toward women managers. Male workers had higher scores on attitudes toward women?s work roles than female workers. This finding is an interesting and unexpected finding regarding the previous studies on this issue, particularly in Turkey. For example, in recent two studies (Kuzgun & Sevim, 2004; Sevim, 2006) it has been found that female university students had more positive attitudes toward women?s work roles than male students. However, it should be noted that, when we look at the differences in mean scores of participants? attitudes towards women?s work roles in the study of Kuzgun and Sevim (2004) and the present study, the scores of the participants in the present study is obviously lower than the other study. Regarding this difference and the lower attitude score of the participants of the present study, we can easily argued that both female and male workers in GSGM as a significant sport organisation held more negative attitudes toward women?s work roles. This finding is consistent with the patriarchal aspect of Turkish society and Turkish law which endorses a patriarchal family model in which the husband is named as the head of the family, has the first say concerning the family?s place of residence, and has primary responsibility for taking care of his wife and children (Hortaçsu, Kalaycıoğlu & Rittersberger-Tilic, 2003).

The another finding of this study showed that male workers scored lower than female workers on Gender Role Stereotypes and Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement subscales of WAMS. On the other hand female workers held more positive attitudes toward women in management than males. Firstly, male workers held more negative attitudes about gender role stereotypes, which included items, related to perceptions of women as capable of handling work and family responsibilities. We can explain this finding with that Turkish society is accepted as highly patriarchal with clear-cut gender role differences (Sakallı, 2001) and Turkish people still generally value patriarchy (Kandiyoti, 1995). In this patriarchal society, the primary roles that society deems the most appropriate for Turkish women are ?wife? and ?mother? (Minibaş, 1998) and the main occupation for women is working at home for free (Arın & Ergin, 1998). Although since the beginning of the 1980s, changes in Turkey?s macroenvironment have exerted considerable influence on the traditional roles of men and women in society and there has been an increase in the number of well-educated women, and their level of income has also risen, the level of support for women?s roles within the family did not see a similar increase. With consistent with the scores of Gender Role Stereotypes subscale of WAMS male workers held also more negative attitudes toward women career advancement, which reflected the extent to which society accepts women as key decision-makers in business life. It means those male workers in GSGM held more traditional/rigid gender role stereotypes and they did not support women?s career advancement.

Although it is not the purpose of this study to test the differences in the attitudes toward women managers in GSGM with in other sectors in Turkey statiscally, it should be helpful to compare the WAMS score of the participants from business sector in the study of Aycan (2004) with the WAMS score of workers in sport organisation. Both female and male workers in GSGM held higher scores in Gender Role Stereotypes than the workers in business sector. However, both female and male workers in GSGM held very low scores in Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement. Based on this comparison we argue that workers in GSGM held more rigid gender role stereotypes and negative attitudes toward women career advancement than workers in business sector.

This finding is consistent with the findings of several studies which indicated that women have more positive attitudes toward women managers than do men, in spite of participants coming from different age and different background (Adeyemi-Bello & Tomkiewicz, 1996; Beydoğan, 2001; Heilman, Block, Martell, & Simon, 1989; Mihail, 2006; Owen & Todor, 1993). For example, Mihal (2006) found that male business student hold relatively negative stereotypic attitudes compared to their female counterparts. Similar finding have been recorded in other studies which have been studied with different groups of people and in different sectors in Turkey. For example, in their study, Sakallı-Uğurlu and Beydoğan (2002) examined how patriarchy, sexism and gender influence Turkish college students? attitudes toward women managers and they found that male participants exhibited less positive attitudes toward women managers than did female participants. In her recent study, Aycan (2004) has also explored gender role stereotypes and attitudes towards women?s career advancement in Turkish society. She examined the attitudes towards women managers of members of a business organisation in the finance sector and found that females held more positive attitudes towards women in management than males.

These two findings about attitudes indicated that in spite of positive attitudes towards women?s work roles of male workers than female workers in the General Directorate of Youth and Sport in Turkey, male wokers did not have positive attitudes towards women managers than femaler workers. Besides, this finding indicated that in spite of impressive presence of female workers in the General Directorate of Youth and Sport in Turkey and many modernisation reforms in society, sex role stereotyping of women as managers persist in Turkish males. This differences between these two attributes might be explained by the percent of women managers as a part of  organisational context of GSGM.

Although many researches indicated that there are positive attitudes towards women?s work in Turkey (Ansal, 1996; Ilkkaracan, 1998; Tor, 1997), many women are still facing with the barrier to be in managerial positions. On the other hand, woman?s lower representation in managerial positions in Turkey has resulted from the definition of work based on gender, and the organisational culture that has created a barrier for women?s advancement in their career (Atabek, 1994), patriarchal stereotypes (Aycan, 2004; Berberoğlu & Mavis, 1990, cited in UNDP, 1996; Çelikten, 2005), and childcare and house works (Kuzgun & Sevim, 2004). Keeping mind the lack of women in managerial positions in many organisations in Turkey, we can easily argue that the organisational culture of GSGM as a sport organisation has created a barrier for women?s advancement in management.

The second purpose of this study is to compare the attitudes towards women?s work roles and attitudes towards women managers of men and women workers regarding the gender role orientations. The another finding of this study showed that femininity score was the only predictor of Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement scores of female and male workers. On the other hand, femininity score was positively correlated with Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement for both female and male workers. The similar finding was also obtained in the study of Sevim (2006) that feminine and androgynous gender roles significantly predicted attitudes toward women?s work roles and women who adapt to feminine gender role had positive attitudes toward women?s work roles.

Although investigating gender role differences between women and men is not the purpose of this study, we believe that it is important to highlight gender roles of women and men in the Turkish society to understand underlying reasons behind the prediction of femininity for Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement scores of female and male workers. In many studies about Turkish culture, the perspective of feminine/masculine cultures is used. For example, according to Agee and Kabasakal (1993) Turkish culture shows a preference for femininity compared with the more masculine US cultures. Gürbüz (1988) has also argued that expressiveness as an indication of a femininity is valued at both the individual and the cultural level in Turkish society. According to Kağıtçıbaşı and Sunar (1992), from expressivenes/instrumentality perspective, sex-role streotypes in the Turkish society differ in important and suprising respects from the sex-role stereotypes documented in Western societies. It should be noted that the preference of femininity in the Turkish culture does not mean that there is no clear cut gender role differences between women and men. Therefore, the finding about the prediction of femininity for Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement scores of female and male workers of the present study should be interpreted within this context.

The present study has some limitations. First, all data were collected using self-reported questionnaires raising the possibility that responses reflect a common method bias. Second, all respondents worked for the one Turkish sport organisation so it is not clear the extent to which results would generalise to other sectors in Turkey. Although our quantitative analysis serves mainly to describe the differences in attitudes toward women?s work roles and women managers, it does not provide an explanation of underlying reasons. Therefore, in further inquiries qualitative analysis should be used to explain underlying reasons within social and cultural context of the GSGM.

In conclusion, the result of this paper contribute to existing knowledge by providing an empirical account of attitudes towards women?s work roles and women managers within different historical and cultural context of non-western society and in a different working organisation. Based on the findings of the present study, we suggest that similar research should be conducted with participants from different departments (technical department, sport specialists department, sport federations, youth services department) and positions (managerial and non-managerial positions) in GSGM. Therefore it might be examined the effects of positions and departments on the attitudes toward women?s work roles and women managers.

REFERENCES

Abu-Lughod, L.(1998) Remaking women: feminism and modernity in the Middle East. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Acosta, R. V. & Carpenter, L. J. (2000). Women in intercollegiate sport: A longitudinal study twenty-three year update 1977-2000. Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 9, 141-144.

Adeyemi-Bello, T. & Tomkiewicz, J. M. (1996). The attitudes of Nigerians toward women managers. Journal of Social Behaviour and Personality, 11, 133-140.

Adler, N. J. (1993). An international perspective on the barriers to the advancement of women managers. Applied Psychology: An international review, 42, 289-300.

Adler, N. J. & Izraeli, D. N. (Eds) (1994). Competitive frontiers: women managers in a global economy. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

Agee, M. L. & Kabasakal, H. E. (1993). Exploring conflict resolution styles: A study of Turkish and American university business students. International Journal of Social Economics, 20, 3-14.

Aitchison, C. C. (2000). Women in leisure services: Managing the social-cultural nexus of gender equity. Managing Leisure, 5, 81-91.

Aitchison, C, C. (2005) Feminist and gender research in sport and leisure management: Understanding the social-cultural nexus of gender-power relations. Journal of Sport Management, 19, 422?441.

Aitchison, C. C., Brackenridge, C., & Jordan, F. (1999). Gender equity in leisure management. Reading, UK: Institute of Leisure and Amenity Management.

Akkaş, M. (2001). A qualitative assessment of the career experiences of female principals at the State elementary schools in Çankaya district, Unpublished Dissertation, Middle East Technical University, Ankara.

Ansal, H. (1996). Teknolojik gelişmelerin sanayide kadın istihdamına etkileri: Türk tekstil ve elektronik sanayilerinde teknolojik değişim ve kadın istihdamı. [The effects of technological developments on women in industry: Women working and technological developments in textile and electronic industries] Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Kadının Statüsü ve Sorunları Genel Müdürlüğü.

Arın, T. & Ergin, B. (1998). Türkiye?de sosyal güvenlik ve kadınlar: Yasal çerçeve ve uygulama [Social security and women in Turkey: Legal framework and practices]. In. N. Arat (Ed.), Aydınlanmanın kadınları [Women of enlightenment]. İstanbul: Cumhuriyet Kitap Kulübü.

Atabek, E., G. (1994). The career role characteristics of Turkish female top managers. Unpublished MA Thesis. Middle East Technical University, Political Sciences and Public Administration, Ankara.

Aycan, Z. (2004). Key success factors for women in management in Turkey. Applied Psychology: An international review, 53, 453-477.

Bem, S. L. (1981). Gender schema theory: A cognitive account of sex typing. Psychological Review, 88, 354-364.

Beydoğan, B. (2001). Attitudes toward women in managerial positions: the effects of ambivalent sexism, patriarchy and gender differences on these attitudes. Unpublished MA Thesis. Middle East Technical University, Ankara: Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

Burke, R. J., Koyuncu, M., & Fiksenbaum, L. (2006). Organisational practices supporting women?s career advancement and their satisfaction and well being in Turkey. Women in Management Review, 21, 610-624.

Cinar, M. (Ed) (2001). The economics of women and work in the Middle East and North Africa. London: JAI Press.

Conway, M. & Vartanian, L. R. (2000). A status account of gender stereotypes: Beyond communality and agency. Sex Roles, 43, 181-199.

Cunningham, G. B. & Sagas, M. (2003). Occupational turnover intent among assistant coaches of women?s teams: the role of organisational work experiences-1-Brief Report, Sex Roles, 49, 185-190.

Çelikten, M. (2005). A perspective on women principals in Turkey. International Journal of Leadership in Education, 8, 207-221.

Davidson, M. J. & Cooper, C. L. (2002). Shattering the glass ceiling: The women manager. London: Paul Chapman Publishing.

De Leon, C. T. & Ho, S. (1994). The third identity of modern Chinese women: Women managers in Hong Kong. In N. J. Adler & D. N. Izraeli (Ed.), Competitive frontiers: Women managers in a global economy (pp. 43-56). Malden, MA: Basil Blackwell.

Dulupçu, M. A. (2005) Regionalization for Turkey: An illusion or a cure?, European Urban and Regional Studies, 12, 99-115.

Eagly, A. H. & Carli, L. L. (2003). The female leadership advantage: An evaluation of the evidence. Leadership Quarterly, 14, 6, 807-834.

Eagly, A. H. & Mladinic, A. (1994). Are people prejudiced against women? Some answers from research on attitudes, gender stereotypes, and judgments of competence. European Review of Social Psychology, 5, 1-35.

Eker, S. (1989). Organisational and personnel correlates of attitudes toward women as managers: A study in Turkey. Unpublished MA Thesis. Boğaziçi University, Istanbul: Institute for Graduate Students in Social Sciences.

Erman, T. (2001). Rural migrants and patriarchy in Turkish cities. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 25, 118-133.

Galambos, N. L., Petersen, A. C., Richards, M., & Gitelson, I. B. (1985). The attitudes toward women scale for adolescents (AWSA): A study of reliability and validity. Sex Roles, 13, 343-356.

Growe, R. & Montgomery, P. (2000). Women and the leadership paradigm: Bridging the gender gap. National Forum Journals. (http//www.nationalforum.com/12growe.htm).

Gürbüz, E. (1988). A measurement of sex-trait stereotypes. Unpublished master?s thesis, Boğaziçi University, Istanbul, Turkey.

Hall, M. A., Cullen, D., & Slack, T. (1990). The gender structure of national sport organisation, Sport Canada Occasional Pages, l2, 1-2.

Heilman, M. E. (1995). Sex stereotypes and their effects on the workplace: What we know and what we don?t know. Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, 10, 3-26.

Heilman, M. E. (1997). Sex discrimination and the affirmative action remedy: The role of sex stereotypes. Journal of Business Ethics, 16, 877-889.

Heilman, M., Block, C., Martell, R. F., & Simon, M. C. (1989). Has anything changed? Current characterizations of men, women, and managers. Journal of Applied Psychology, 74, 935-942.

Henderson, K. A. & Bialeschki, D. (1995). Career development and women in the leisure services profession. Journal of Park and Recreation and Administration, 13, 26-42.

Hortaçsu, N., Kalaycıoğlu, S., & Rittersberger-Tilic, H. (2003). Intrafamily aggression in Turkey: Frequency, instigation, and acceptance. Journal of Social Psychology, 143, 163-184.

Hovden, J. (2000). Short communications gender and leader selection processes in Norwegian sporting organization. International Rewiew for the Sociology of Sport, 35, 75?82.

Ilkkaracan, I. (1998). Kentli kadınlar ve çalışma yaşamı [Women in urban and working life] In A.B. Hacımirzaoğlu (Ed.), 75 yılda kadınlar ve erkekler [Women and men in 17th years of Republics] (pp. 285-302). İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yayınları

Inglis, S., Danylchuk, K. E., & Pastore, D. L. (2000). Multiple realities of women?s work experiences in coaching and athletic management. Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 9, 1-26.

Inglis, S., Danylchuk, K. E., & Pastore, D. (1996). Understanding retention factors in coaching and athletic management positions. Journal of Sport Management, 10, 237-249.

Kabasakal, H. E., Boyacıgiller, N., & Erden, D. (1994). Organizational characteristics as correlates of women in middle and top management. Boğaziçi Journal: Review of Social, Economic, and Administrative Studies, 8, 45-62.

Kağıtçıbaşı, Ç. & Sunar, D. (1992). Family and socialization in Turkey. In J. L. Roopnarine & D. B. Carter (Ed.), Parent-child socialization in diverse cultures (pp. 75-88). Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Kandiyoti, D. (1989) Women and the Turkish state: political actors or symbolic pawns?. In N. Yuval-Davis & F. Anthias (Ed.), Women-nation-state. London, Macmillan.

Kandiyoti, D. (1995). Patterns of patriarchy: Notes for an analysis of male dominance in Turkish society. In S. Tekeli (Ed.), Women in modern Turkish society. London: Zed Boks.

Kara, O. (2006). Occupational gender wage discrimination in Turkey. Journal of Economic Studies, 33, 130-143.

Kırkpınar, L. (1998). Türkiye?de toplumsal değişme sürecindeki kadın. [Women in the social transformation process of Turkey] In A.B. Hacımirzaoğlu (Ed.), 75 yılda kadınlar ve erkekler [Women and men in 17th years of Republics (pp. 13-28). İstanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yayınları.

Kuzgun, Y. & Sevim, A, S. (2004). Kadınların çalışmasına karşı tutum ve dini yönelim arasındaki ilişki [The relationship between attitudes towards women?s work and religious orientation] Ankara Üniversitesi Eğitim Bilimleri Fakültesi Dergisi, 37, 14?27.

McKay, J. (1997). Managing gender: Affirmative action and organisational power in Australian, Canadian, and New Zealand sport. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Messner, M. A. (1994). Sports and male domination: The female athlete as contested ideological terrain. In S. Birrell & C. L. Cole (Ed.), Women, sport and culture (pp. 65-80). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. U.S.A.

Mihail, D. M. (2006). Women in management: gender stereotypes and students? attitudes in Greece. Women in Management Review, 21, 681-689.

Minibaş, T. (1998). Türkiye?nin kalkınma sürecinde kadın işgücü [Women labour force in Turkey?s development process]. In. N. Arat (Ed.), Aydınlanmanın kadınları [Women of Enlightement](pp. 331-332). İstanbul: Cumhuriyet Kitap Kulübü.

Morrison, A. M, White, R. P., & Van Velsor, E. (1992). Breaking the glass ceiling. Reading, MA: Addison- Wesley.

Mostafa, M. M. (2003). Attitudes towards women who work in Egypt. Women in Management Review, 18, 252-266.

Mutlu, K. (1996). Examining religious beliefs among university students in Ankara. British Journal of Sociology, 47, 353-359.

Owen, C.L. & Todor, W.D. (1993). Attitudes toward women as managers: Still the same. Business Horizons, 36, 12-17.

Öngen, D. (2006). Attitudes towards women: A study of gender and academic domain differences in a sample of Turkish university students. Social Behaviour and Responsibility, 34, 467-486.

Özkan, T. & Lajunen, T. (2005). Masculinity, femininity, and Bem sex role inventory in Turkey. Sex Roles, 52, 103-110.

Peters, L. H., Terborg, J. R., & Taylor, J. (1974). Women as Managers Scale (WAMS): A measure of attitude toward women in management positions. Catalogue of Selected Documents in Psychology, 4, 27.

Rankin, B. H. & Aytaç, I. A. (2006). Gender inequality in schooling: The case of Turkey. Sociology of Education, 79, 25-43.

Sagas, M. & Cunningham, G. (2004). Does having “the right stuff” matter? Gender differences in the determinants of career success among intercollegiate athletic administrators. Sex Roles, 50, 411-421.

Sagas, M., Cunningham, G. B., & Ashley, F. A. (2000). Examining the women’s coaching deficit through the perspective of assistant coaches. International Journal of Sport Management, 1, 267-282.

Sakallı, N. (2001). Beliefs about wife beating among Turkish college students: The effects of patriarchy, sexism, and sex differences. Sex Roles, 44, 599-611.

Sakallı-Uğurlu, N. & Beydoğan, B. (2002). Turkish college students? attitudes toward women managers: The effects of patriarchy, sexism and gender differences. The Journal of Psychology, 136, 647-656.

Schein, V. E. (2001). A global look at psychological barriers to women?s progress in management. Journal of Social Issues, 57, 675-688.

Schreiber, P. (1998). Women?s career development patterns. New Directions for Adult and Continuing Education, 80, 5-13.

Sevim, S. A. (2006). Religious tendency and gender roles: Predictors of the attitudes toward women?s work roles?. Social Behavior and Personality, 34, 77-86.

Shaw, S. & Hoeber, L. (2003). ?A strong man is direct and a direct woman is a bitch?: Gendered discourses and their influence on employmen roles in sport organizations. Journal of Sport Management, 17, 347-375.

Shaw, S. & Slack, T. (2002). ?It?s been like that for Donkey?s years?: The construction of gender relations and the cultures of sports organizations. Culture, Sport, Society, 5, 86-106.

SIS (State Institute of Statistics) (2000). Census of population. social economic characteristics. Ankara: Turkey.

Spence, J. T. & Helmreich, R. L. (1978). Masculinity and femininity: Their psychological dimensions, correlates, and antecedents. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Tharenou, P. & Conroy, D. (1994). Men and women managers? advancement: Personal or situational determinate? Applied Psychology: An International Review, 43, 5-31.

Theberge, N. (1993). The construction of gender in sport: Women, coaching and the naturalization of difference. Social Problems, 40, 301-313.

Tor, H. (1997). Kentsel kesimde yaşayan kadınların çalışma hayatına katılamamalarını etkileyen etmenler [Factors of women?s nonparticipation in working life]. 20. yüzyılın sonunda Kadınlar ve Gelecek Konferansı, Türkiye ve Orta Doğu Amme İdaresi Enstitüsü.

UNDP (1996). Human development report: Turkey. Ankara: UNDP.

Woodward, D. & Özbilgin, M. F. (1999). Sex equality in the financial services sector in Turkey and the UK. Women in Management Review, 14, 325-332.

Table I. The Means and Standart Deviations of Attitudes towards Women?s Work Roles, Subscales of WAMS and BSRI For Female and Male Workers

Variables

Female

n=83

Male

n=138

Total

n=221

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

Attitudes toward Women?s Work Role

2.58

.47

2.86

.49

2.75

.50

WAMS
Gender Role Stereotypes

3.97

.65

3.14

.85

3.45

.88

Attitudes toward Women Career Advancement

2.17

.28

1.77

.41

1.92

.41

BSRI
Femininity

62.39

6.21

60.27

8.02

61.06

7.45

Masculinity

50.71

7.27

51.17

7.69

50.99

7.52

Turkish Media Coverage of the 2004 Olympics

2004olympics- benguarslan

CANAN KOCA AND BENGU ARSLAN

TURKEY

GENDER RELATIONS IN TURKEY

The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the modern Turkish Republic in 1923 provided ideological and legal bases for the modernization process in Turkey. Within this modernization project, the new state replaced the Islamic civil code with a secular or republican code adopted from the Swiss code, which introduced gender equality in marriage, divorce and matters of inheritance. In 1930, Turkish women were granted the right to vote in local elections and, in 1934, the right to vote for and to be elected to public office in national elections. Republican gender ideology in general expected women to follow a particular form of education and act as visible ambassadors to challenge the backward image of Muslim women in the world as well as in Turkey (Kandiyoti, 1989). However, these reforms for recognizing women as individuals did not in reality bring equality to women. In the new state, the women continued to be described according to their traditional female roles and this prevented the development of a perception of women as being equal partners of men (Arat, 1994; Kandiyoti, 1987). As Arat (1994) argues, Turkish women are emancipated but unliberated. Keeping mind all these modernization movements and legal changes which are focused on women, it seems contradictory, as Muftuler-Bac (1999) has argued, that Turkish women are still oppressed by the patriarchal system.  However, a whole year of intensive lobbying and widespread campaigning by the women?s movement throughout 2001 has resulted in reforms which have drastically changed the legal status of women in the family and in the promulgation of the new Turkish Civil Code, which was passed by the Turkish Grand National Assembly on November 22, 2001 (WWHR, 2002). The new Code sets the equal division of the property acquired during marriage as a default property regime, assigning an economic value to women?s hitherto invisible labour for the well-being of the family household.

Nowadays, the primary engine of the Turkish modernization project has been Turkey?s ongoing attempt to gain entrance into the European Union (EU). Within this ongoing project, Turkey signed the United Nations Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (1979), and the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (1993). A 2007 European Parliament report notes that the political participation by women in Turkey is too low and that there is an absolute need for female role models in positions of power and decision-making. Regarding gender equality in access to education and the labour market, UNICEF estimates that each year between 600,000 and 800,000 girls are either prevented by their families from going to school or do not attend because of logistical difficulties. The female employment rate in Turkey is just under 25%, compared to the average women’s employment rate in the EU-25 of 55%1.  Members of the European Parliament therefore called on the Turkish government to ensure gender equality in access to education and the labour market, especially in the south-eastern regions (European Parliament, 2007).

GENDER RELATIONS IN SPORT

Although gender issues in sport have been studied extensively worldwide since the 1980s, they have been studied in Turkey for only a few years. The increasing rates of women?s participation in both elite and recreational sport have led researchers to investigate the sport and exercise environment as an important arena of gendered cultural practices in Turkish society (Koca & Asci, 2005; Koca & Bulgu, 2005; Koca, Asci & Kirazci, 2005). In these studies it has been argued that although, like many other Western societies, patriarchy is still one of the most important characteristics of Turkish society and female athletes have been faced with various forms of patriarchal oppression, there have been some changes in the status of Turkish women in sport, particularly in urban areas. For example, Fasting and Pfister (1997) also concluded that at least some parts of Turkey were changing, and that not only was the younger generation more active in sport but parents also encouraged their children to enjoy sport, especially girls, because sport was considered as something positive. Relative to the situation of women in elite sport, although most of the elite female athletes are competing in volleyball and track and field, there have been increasing numbers of female athletes in martial sports such as taekwondo and judo and, recently, in weightlifting and wrestling. For recreational sport, increasing numbers of women have been participating in physical activity in their leisure time as a result of broader social transformations during recent years in Turkey. Factors such as continuing modernization movements, rapid urbanisation and the growing attention from the municipalities towards physical activity for women have all motivated women in Turkey to participate in physical activity in different types of sport and exercise clubs (Koca, Bulgu & Asci, 2007).

In recent years, there has been a significant increase in the number of women in sports and in female athletes? participation and achievements in international sports competitions (e.g., having medals in World and European Championships and Olympics). According to information from the General Directorate of Youth and Sport, while the number of elite female athletes (330,258) is less than elite male athletes (856,572), there has been a five-fold increase in women?s involvement in sport since 2002 (www.gsgm.gov.tr). Regarding the statistics, the number of female athletes was about 66,000 in 2002 and this number increased to about 350,000 in 2007. In addition, the highest participation of Turkish female athletes in the Olympics was at the 2004 Games, where Nurcan Taylan became the first Turkish female athlete to win a gold medal in the Olympics.

PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON GENDER DIFFERENCES IN MEDIA COVERAGE

The presentation of women in the media has gained a renewed interest by several scholars from different disciplines in Turkey and many researchers have pointed to the under-representation of women in Turkish media and the fact that, when women are represented, the coverage reinforces existing stereotypical norms such as housewives or mothers, and women as sexual objects (Gencel-Bek, 2001; Gencel-Bek & Binark, 2000; Hortacsu & Erturk, 2003). On the other hand, physical, sexual and psychological violence against women has been increasingly visible within the general community, including rape, sexual abuse and sexual harassment in family, work and educational institutions and, therefore, there are some other studies which investigated the media coverage of violence towards women. For example, Alat (2006) analysed the Turkish news coverage of violence against women. She found the following patterns in news stories: a victim blaming attitude, questioning perpetrators? mental status and women?s adherence to gender norms, scrutinising the victim?s intention for reporting the crime, and turning sexual assault into pornographic stories. These issues have been explored in a sport context by Bulgu and Koca (2006) who examined the presentation of a case of sexual harassment in the national women?s weightlifting team in Turkish daily newspapers and found that, in order to protect the national popularity of weightlifting, the print media presented the case in ways that suggested they did not really believe the sexual harassment took place.

Although there have been many international studies of media coverage of women?s sport in Western countries, there has been a limited number of studies about this subject in Turkey. One recent study (Öktem, 2004) analysed the media coverage of Süreyya Ayhan who is one of the most successful and famous Turkish track and field athletes and found that the achievements of women are disregarded and, further, that her success has been reflected as an extraordinary and unusual event in the media. In another recent study, Arslan and Koca (2007) examined gender stereotypes in both written and visual texts of female articles in Turkish newspapers. One of the findings of their study is that the number of female articles (6.05%, n=220) was significantly lower than male articles (87.02%, n=3,166) and, although the data revealed that there were gender stereotypes in media coverage of female athletes, particularly in visual texts of newspapers, the overall amount of these gender stereotypes remains low. For example, 13.9% of female athletes received photographic coverage as glamorous or sexy, and with reference to their heterosexual familial roles as wives, mothers and daughters.  Semra Aksu, a former Turkish track and field athlete, was pictured with her baby on the blocks in a position ready for the start. In this study, which included both Olympic and non-Olympic periods, most of the articles were about female weightlifters, who have previously had the highest athletic achievement (such as medals in several World and European Championships) of female athletes in Turkey and, therefore, were great expectations for medals in the 2004 Olympic Games (Arslan & Koca, 2007). Female weightlifters are visibly strong and muscular (attributes long viewed as being unfeminine) and they certainly do not conform to stereotypes of femininity. Thus, it should come as no surprise to realise that, in the Turkish media, female weightlifters were mostly represented by their athletic performance rather than in relation to normative stereotypes of femininity (Arslan & Koca, 2007).

METHODS

Three Turkish daily newspapers, appealing to different audiences, were chosen. Hürriyet, Cumhuriyet and Zaman are three of the mass-circulation newspapers in the country. Zaman is a conservative newspaper and has the highest circulation (over 500,000 copies per day). The Cumhuriyet (Republic) has the highest circulation (about 50,000 per day) of the newspapers with social democratic views, and the Hurriyet (Liberty) has a circulation about 490,000 per day and supports liberal economic views.

The sample was collected from 13 – 29 August 2004 and consists of 1132 sports-related articles. The data collection period starts from the date of the opening ceremony and ends with the date of the closing ceremony of Olympics. In the present study, media coverage refers to the number of articles reported in newspapers. Stories were analysed from the sport and news sections of each daily newspaper. Therefore, all articles related to both Olympics and non-Olympic sports in all sections of each newspaper were initially counted. The result sections were also counted. Then they were coded into categories with respect to gender; namely female articles, male articles and mixed. The researchers categorised articles as female articles that referred to events related only to females, and as male articles that referred to events related only to males. Articles that referred to events related to both females and males were coded as mixed articles. The articles that were related to general Olympics (e.g., philosophy and history) were not included in the content analysis: however, there were few such articles in each newspaper. The results from all three newspapers have been combined.

 

THE RESULTS OF THE CONTENT ANALYSIS

At the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens, 45 men and 20 women competed for Turkey. Turkish athletes won a total of 10 medals (in weightlifting, boxing, wrestling, taekwondo and track and field). Only one medal (gold) was won by a female ? weightlifter Nurcan Taylan.

 

Men Dominate Media Coverage

The analysis of this project included both Olympics and non-Olympic coverage of newspapers. Although the analysis included just the dates of Olympics, the overall proportion of newspaper coverage devoted to Olympics was low (30.1%, see Table 1).

Table 1. Total coverage dedicated to Olympics and non-Olympics articles

 

Measurement

Olympics

Non-Olympics

Total Articles

Number of stories

341

791

1,132

% of Total Coverage

30.1%

69.9%

100%

This high overall proportion of newspaper coverage devoted to non-Olympics is also likely to have influenced the total proportion of coverage for females which reached only 10.1% (see Table 2).

Table 2.  Total coverage by gender

 

Measurement Male Female Mixed Total
Number of stories

883

114

135

1,132

% of Total Coverage

78%

10.1%

11.9%

100%

 

Females Receive Little Non-Olympic Coverage

The findings of this study indicated that in non-Olympic coverage, female athletes received only 2% of the newspaper coverage whereas male athletes received 95.6% (Table 3). Thus, our results indicate that female athletes received much less newspaper coverage in non-Olympic coverage compared to male athletes. Football (93%) had the most coverage in non-Olympic sport for males. On the other hand, track and field (37.4%) had the highest coverage in non-Olympic sport for females. The other stories concerning female athletes in non-Olympic sport were tennis (18.8%), handball (18.8%), volleyball (12.5%) and basketball (12.5%).

Table 3. Non-Olympic coverage by number of stories in Turkey Newspapers during the 2004 Olympic Games

Measurement

Male

Female

Mixed

Total

Number of stories

756

16

19

791

Percentage (%)

95.6

2

2.4

100%

 

Females Receive Higher Levels of Olympic Coverage than Non-Olympic Coverage

This study found that female athletes received 28.74% of all Olympic coverage whereas male athletes received 37.24%. Although the percentage of female athletes in the Olympic coverage (28.74%) is much more than the percentage of female athletes in non-Olympic coverage (2%), female athletes still received less newspaper coverage than male athletes. The percentage of mixed coverage (34.02%) is higher than the percentage of female athletes in Olympic coverage (28.74%). The percentage of mixed coverage in Olympic sports is also higher than the percentage of mixed coverage in non-Olympic sports (2.4%). The reason for this difference can be explained by the mixed nature of the Olympics. There are both female and male sports in Olympics; therefore relatively more coverage was devoted to mixed stories in Olympic coverage than in non-Olympic coverage. Another reason for this difference could be the inclusion of the results sections that consisted of both male and female results. The content of the mixed articles was mostly male with a little female coverage. This finding should be attributed to the high number of male athletes in Turkish Olympic team. Thus, our results do not support the hypothesis thatfemale athletes will receive relatively equal newspaper coverage compared to male athletes. The frequencies and percentages are shown in Table 4.  Overall, most of the female coverage (86%; 98 of 114 articles) was from the Olympics, as was the majority of the mixed coverage (85.9%; 116 of 135 articles).  However, the opposite was true for males: only 14.4% of all male coverage was devoted to the Olympics with 756 of 883 articles (85.6%) being focused on non-Olympic events.

Table 4. Olympics-only coverage by number of stories in Turkish newspapers during the 2004 Olympic Games

Measurement

Male

Female

Mixed

Total

Number of stories

127

98

116

341

Percentage (%)

37.24

28.74

34.02

100%

Differences in coverage relative to proportion on the Olympic team

 

The findings of this study did not fully support the hypothesis which argued that female and male athletes will receive coverage relative to their proportions on the Olympic team (see Table 5). Male athletes received less coverage (37.24%) than their participation rate (69.7%), whereas female athletes? coverage was clearly much closer to their participation proportion (only 1.6% less). Thus, the coverage of female athletes (28.74%) was relative to their proportion (30.3%) on the Turkish Olympic team, while the male coverage was not.

Table 5. Olympic coverage of Turkish female and male athletes and their proportions on the Turkish Olympic team

 

Measurement

Male

Female

n

%

n

%

Olympic stories

127

37.24

98

28.74

Olympic team

46

69.7

20

30.3

Medal winners

9

90

1

10

The results also did not support the hypothesis that female and male athletes will receive coverage relative to the proportion of Olympic medals they win(see Table 5).  Our findingsshowed thatmale athletes received less coverage than the proportion of Olympic medals they won, whereas female athletes received more coverage than their proportion of medals.  Women athletes won only 10% of Turkey?s medals but received 28.74% of the coverage; while males won 90% of medals and received 37.24% of coverage. It should be noted, however, that almost one-third of the coverage was mixed stories, which focused on both male and female athletes (see Table 5). Almost half of the mixed stories consisted of winners in the Olympics.

 

Females who were expected to win medals in Olympics had the highest coverage

Nurcan Taylan, a weightlifter, was the only Turkish female medal winner in the 2004 Olympic Games. Weightlifting is one of the sports that are historically linked to Turkish national identity and the highest achievement of Turkish athletes during the 2004 Olympics was in weightlifting (two gold medals and one bronze for males and one gold medal for females). Regarding the fifth hypothesis that female athletes who win in sports historically linked to national identity will receive more coverage than female winners in other sports, the 27.6% of articles related to Nurcan Taylan and other female weightlifters in the Turkish Olympic team is only the second highest percentage in the female articles and less than half the percentage for the most covered sport of track and field (see Table 6). Therefore, this study disproves the fifth hypothesis.

Table 6. Olympic coverage of Turkish female and male athletes and their proportions on the Turkish Olympic team

 

Sport in order of total articles

Male

Female

Articles

Athletes on Olympic team

Articles

Athletes on Olympic team

n

% of male coverage

n

% of males on Turkish team

n

% of female coverage

n

% of females on Turkish team

Track and Field

14

11

5

10.9

56

57.2

8

40

Weightlift

İng

25

19.7

6

13

27

27.6

4

20

Wrestling

30

23.6

12

26

Boxing

23

18.1

8

17.4

Taekwondo

8

6.3

1

2.2

Swimming

3

2.4

5

10.9

5

5.1

4

20

Judo

2

1.6

2

4.3

1

1

1

5

Shooting

2

1.6

1

2.2

Sailing

4

3.1

5

10.9

Archery

1

2.2

2

2

3

15

Other Countries

16

12.6

7

7.1

Total

127

100

46

100

98

100

20

100

However, our findings support the hypothesis in another way. For example, the biggest expectation for female medals in the 2004 Olympic Games was from two well-known track and field athletes, Süreyya Ayhan and Elvan Abeylegesse.  Ayhan was the 2002 European 1500m champion and had won the silver medal in the 2003 world championships. Abeygelesse held the world record in 5000m (14.24.68). Therefore, the high level of coverage is not unexpected, although they did not win any medals.  Although track and field is not historically linked to national identity in Turkey, medal expectations are related to national identity and, therefore, these athletes received relatively more coverage than female medal winners in other sports.

Therefore, the reason the hypothesis is not supported is that winning is the most important thing, rather than an association with sports that have historical links to national identity.  Indeed, almost 85% of female coverage was of women who won, or who were expected to win. Although weightlifting, swimming and archery have similar numbers of athletes competing, weightlifting got so much more coverage (27.6%) than swimming (5.1%) and archery (2%). The reason for this is highly related to the big expectation for medals in the 2004 Olympic Games from Nurcan Taylan who won the gold medal. She received 20.5% of the 27.6% weightlifting coverage.

Similarly, Elvan Abeylegesse and Süreyya Ayhan received 50.1% of the 57.2% track and field coverage. Because of an injury, Süreyya Ayhan did not compete in 2004 Olympics, withdrawing shortly before the Games began.  Therefore, Abeylegesse had more coverage (40.9%) than Ayhan (9.2%) of the 57.2% track and field coverage. The most of the coverage about Ayhan was related to her injury. In addition to this, the rest of the track and field coverage was devoted to female athletes from other countries.

Our findings also disproved the hypothesis that female athletes competing in sports more strongly linked to femininity or dressed in ways that highlight gender difference will receive relatively more coverage than those competing in sports more strongly linked to masculinity or dressed in ways that do not highlight gender difference.  Female athletes competing in track and field (57.2%) and weightlifting (27.6%) received more coverage than female athletes who competed in other sports (Table 6). Thus, this finding did not support this hypothesis since track and field is accepted as a gender-neutral sport and weightlifting as male-appropriate sport. On the other hand, these two sports are not stereotypically feminine sports. The uniforms worn by Abeylegesse and Ayhan, who had the most coverage, were not revealing and did not highlight femininity.

Males Receive Higher Levels of Olympic Photographic Coverage than Females

 

The analysis of this project included Olympic photographic coverage in the newspapers. This study found that male athletes received 39.8% of all Olympic photographic coverage whereas female athletes received 33% (Table 7). Consistent with the percentage of male athletes (37.24%) in Olympic coverage, male athletes had similar percentage in Olympic photographic coverage (39.8%). Female athletes? Olympic photographic coverage was clearly closer to their Olympic coverage proportion (only 4.26% less), whereas mixed coverage had fewer photographs (27.2%) than their proportion in Olympic coverage (34.02%).

 

Table 7.  Total Olympics photographic coverage by gender

 

Measurement Male Female Mixed Total
Number of photographs 88 73 60 221
Percentage (%) 39.8% 33% 27.2% 100%

 

Female track and field athletes had the highest photographic coverage (54.8% of female coverage) since they were expected to win medals in the Olympic Games (Table 8). The highest photographic coverage went to the three athletes most expected to win medals:  Abeylegesse (39.7%), Taylan (15.9%) and Ayhan (5.7%). The Olympic photographic coverage for these three Turkish female athletes was close to their percentage of female Olympic articles: Abeylegesse (40.9%), Taylan (20.5%) and Ayhan (9.2%).

For males, weightlifting (25%), boxing (20.5%) and wrestling (19.4%) had the highest Olympics photographic coverage. Male athletes? Olympic photographic coverage also showed a similar percentage to their Olympic articles: weightlifting (19.7%), boxing (18.1%) and wrestling (23.6%).

 

Table 8. Olympic photographic coverage of Turkish female and male athletes

 

Sport in order of total articles

Female

Male

n

% of female coverage

n

% of male coverage

Track and Field

40

54.8

10

11.4

Weightlift

İng

20

27.4

22

25

Boxing

18

20.5

Wrestling

17

19.4

Taekwondo

8

9.1

Swimming

1

1.4

1

1.1

Judo

1

1.1

Shooting

Sailing

1

1.1

Archery

Other Countries

12

16.4

10

11.3

Total

73

100

88

100

 

Females Receive Photographic Coverage Relative to Their Performance in 2004 Olympics

Olympics photographs in each newspaper were also analysed based on two main categories: (a) relevance of performance and (b) gender stereotypes. Photographs that depicted female athletes actively participating in their own sports or shown in sports-related settings were coded as relevant performance, and photographs that depicted female athletes in non-sport settings were coded as non-relevant performance. Additionally, photographs that depicted female athletes with stereotypical female characteristics such as beauty, sexuality, physical appearance or femininity were coded as gender stereotyped.

Our findings indicated that 78.1% of female athletes? photographs were related to performance (Table 9). For instance, Elvan Abeylegesse and Nurcan Taylan were presented during their actual athletic performance in the 2004 Olympic Games. The vast majority of female athletes? photographs (91.8%) were not gender stereotyped. However, 8.2% of female athletes received glamorous, sexy and still shots. Turkish female athletes? photographic coverage was focused on performance rather than gender as defining their representation. Gender stereotyped coverage appeared only for female athletes from other countries. For example, the Cumhuriyet for August 18 included several inside photographs of tennis player, Venus Williams, showing her posing seductively for the camera in the her off-court wear.

Table 9. Content of female athletes? Olympic photographic coverage

 

Number and percentages of photographs

Relevance of  performance

Gender stereotypes

Yes

No

Total

Yes

No

Total

N

57

16

73

6

67

73

% of female photographs

78.1

21.9

100

8.2

91.8

100

CONCLUSIONS

Based on 1,132 sports-related articles from three different Turkish daily newspapers, this study indicates that male athletes received higher coverage than female athletes in both Olympic and non-Olympic articles.  However, female athletes had relatively higher coverage in Olympic articles than non-Olympic articles. The findings show that females who compete in the Olympics appear to be of more interest to the media (28.74% of coverage) than those who do not (only 2% of non-Olympic coverage).  The coverage of female Olympic athletes was also much closer to their proportion on the Turkish Olympic team than the coverage of male athletes.  Females also received much more coverage than their percentage of medals won. Overall, most of the female coverage was from the Olympics, whereas most of the male coverage was devoted to non-Olympic events.

The increased coverage of female athletes in Olympic coverage might be attributed to the increasing number of Turkish female athletes who are participating and achieving in international competitions and, therefore, their increasing popularity in recent years. Besides, it should be also noted that Olympic Games seem to be important in publicizing female athletes? sport achievements. Therefore, we can argue that the higher coverage of female athletes might relate to the strong nationalistic fervour ignited by the Olympics in Turkey. National identity can be fostered by reports from the media by representing national athletes? achievements in Olympics rather than athletes from other countries. Certainly our study shows that the Turkish media were most interested in Turkish athletes.  For example, only 10.2% of all male and female Olympic stories (23 out of 225) were about athletes from other countries (see Table 6). This means that 89.8% of this coverage focused on athletes from Turkey.

The findings of this project indicate that winning is more important than an association with sports that have historical links to national identity. Almost 85% of female coverage was of women who won or who were expected to win.  The athletes who win Olympic medals are celebrated as heroes/heroines in Turkey. In addition to this, winning was the most important since it did not matter how female athletes were dressed (feminine or not, revealing or not); it was the winners or expected winners who got coverage.

Overall, our study demonstrates thatalthough males had relatively more coverage in both Olympic and non-Olympic events, most of the male coverage was devoted to non-Olympic events.  Olympic coverage was only 30.1% of all the sports media coverage during this period; and males received 95.6% of the non-Olympic coverage.  This study also found that male athletes received more Olympic photographic coverage than female athletes.

Female track and field athletes had the highest photographic coverage since they were expected to win medals. Our findings also indicated that most of the female athletes? photographs were related to their actual performance and most did not receive any gender stereotypes. Not only were female athletes who received gender stereotyped coverage (in glamorous, sexy and still shots) from other countries but almost all the female athletes from other countries received this kind of coverage. It seems important to note that because most of the female Olympic coverage focused on female athletes from Turkey, the media overall highlighted the athletic achievements of females. This finding might also support the view that the nationalistic fervour ignited by the Olympics leads the Turkish media to present Turkish female athletes in terms of their athletic achievements rather than emphasising gender stereotypes.

ENDNOTES

  1. EU-25 is the 25 Member States of the European Union.

REFERENCES

Alat, Z. (2006). News coverage of violence against women. Feminist Media Studies, 6(3), 295-314.

Arat, Y. (1994).1980?ler Türkiye?sinde kadın hareketi: Liberal Kemalizmin radikal uzantısı [Women?s movement in Turkey in the 1980s: A radical extension of liberal Kemalism]. In Arat, N. (Ed.), Türkiye?de kadın olgusu [The issue of women in Turkey] (pp. 71 – 92). Istanbul: Say Yayınları.

Arslan, B., & Koca, C. (2007). An examination of female athletes-related articles in Turkish daily newspapers regarding gender stereotypes. Annals of Leisure Research, 10(3/4), 310-327.

Bulgu, N., & Koca, C. (2006, July). Media coverage of sexual harassment in sport in Turkey. Paper presented at the third European Association for Sociology of Sport Conference, Jyväskylä, Finland.

European Parliament (2007). Report on women?s role in social, economic and political life in Turkey (No: 2006/2214(INI)). Committee on Women?s Rights and Gender Equality. Retrieved August 21, 2006 from http://www.europarl.europa.eu/oeil/file.jsp?id=5378852

Fasting, K., & Pfister, G. (1997) Opportunities and barriers for sport for women in Turkey: A pilot study.Unpublished manuscript.

Gencel-Bek, M. (2001) Medyada cinsiyetçilik ve iletişim politikası. İletişim 2001 Kadın Yaz Çalışmalari [Sexism in media and communication policy.  Communication 2001 Summer Women Studies], 213-132.

Gencel-Bek, M., & Binark, M. (2000) Medyada cinsiyetçilik [Sexism in media]. Ankara Üniversitesi, Kadın Sorunları Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi (KASAUM), Ankara.

Hortacsu, N., & Erturk, E. M. (2003). Women and ideology: Representations of women in religious and secular Turkish media. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 33(10), 2017-2039.

Kandiyoti, D. (1987). Emancipated but unliberated? Reflections on the Turkish case. Feminist Studies, 13(2), 317-338.

Kandiyoti, D. (1989) Women and the Turkish state: Political actors or symbolic pawns?  In N. Yuval-Davis & F. Anthias (Eds.), Women-nation-state. London: Macmillan.

Koca, C., & Aşçı, F. H. (2005). Gender role orientation in Turkish female athletes from different types of sport and female non-athletes. Women in Sport and Physical Activity Journal, 14(1) 86-94.

Koca, C., & Bulgu, N. (2005). Spor ve toplumsal cinsiyet: Genel bir bakış [Sport and gender: A general evaluation]. Toplum ve Bilim [Society and Science], 103, 163-184.

Koca, C., Aşçı, F. H., & Kirazcı, S. (2005). Gender role orientation in athletes and non-athletes in a patriarchal society: A case of Turkey. Sex Roles, 52(3/4), 217-225.

Koca, C., Bulgu, N., & Aşçı, F. H. (2007). Analysis of Turkish women?s physical activity participation regarding gender and social class. Paper presented at the 4th World Congress of ISSA in conjunction with the 10th World Congress of ISHPES, Copenhagen, Denmark.

Muftuler-Bac, M. (1999). Turkish women?s predicament. Women?s Studies International Forum, 22(3), 303?315.

Öktem, M. G. (2004). Sporcu kadının Türk yazılı basınındaki temsili: Süreyya Ayhan örneği [Representation of Turkish female athletes in print media: The case of Süreyya Ayhan]. Paper presented at the Multidisciplinary Symposium of Women Studies, Yeditepe Üniversitesi, İstanbul, Turkey.

WWHR (2002). The new legal status of women in Turkey. Istanbul: Women for Women?s Human Rights. Retrieved February, 2008 from http://www.wwhr.org/id_736.

AFFILIATIONS

Canan Koca                                        Bengu Arslan

The University of Edinburgh           Baskent University

UK                                                         Turkey

http://instagram.takipcisatinal.net